10 INTERESTING FACTS ABOUT ETHIOPIA 🇪🇹 1. Ethiopia is one of the world’s oldest nations, with a history dating back thousands of years. It is often referred to as the “cradle of humanity” due to the discovery of the famous fossil “Lucy” in the country.2. Ethiopia is the only African country that was never formally colonized by a European power. Despite Italian attempts in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Ethiopia successfully resisted colonization.3. The country has its own unique calendar, which is roughly seven to eight years behind the Gregorian calendar. Ethiopia’s New Year, known as Enkutatash, occurs in September.4. Ethiopia is home to the largest population of livestock in Africa. Livestock, particularly cattle, plays a crucial role in the country’s economy and culture.5. Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, is the headquarters of the African Union. The city also hosts the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.6. Ethiopia is known for its diverse landscapes, ranging from the rugged Simien Mountains to the Danakil Depression, one of the hottest places on Earth.7. The country is famous for its distinctive cuisine, which includes injera (a sourdough flatbread) and doro wat (spicy chicken stew). Ethiopian cuisine often involves communal eating from a shared platter.8. Lalibela, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is home to eleven medieval rock-hewn churches, carved out of solid rock in the 12th century. These churches are a testament to Ethiopia’s rich architectural and religious history.9. Ethiopia has its own script called Ge’ez, and it’s one of the oldest alphabets still in use in the world. Amharic, the official language, is written in this script.10. Lake Tana, the largest lake in Ethiopia, is the source of the Blue Nile River, one of the main tributaries of the Nile. The Blue Nile contributes significantly to the water supply of Egypt and Sudan.#Ethiopia #Africa #history #interestingfacts #Jafer prof

Continue reading 10 INTERESTING FACTS ABOUT ETHIOPIA 🇪🇹 1. Ethiopia is one of the world’s oldest nations, with a history dating back thousands of years. It is often referred to as the “cradle of humanity” due to the discovery of the famous fossil “Lucy” in the country.2. Ethiopia is the only African country that was never formally colonized by a European power. Despite Italian attempts in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Ethiopia successfully resisted colonization.3. The country has its own unique calendar, which is roughly seven to eight years behind the Gregorian calendar. Ethiopia’s New Year, known as Enkutatash, occurs in September.4. Ethiopia is home to the largest population of livestock in Africa. Livestock, particularly cattle, plays a crucial role in the country’s economy and culture.5. Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, is the headquarters of the African Union. The city also hosts the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.6. Ethiopia is known for its diverse landscapes, ranging from the rugged Simien Mountains to the Danakil Depression, one of the hottest places on Earth.7. The country is famous for its distinctive cuisine, which includes injera (a sourdough flatbread) and doro wat (spicy chicken stew). Ethiopian cuisine often involves communal eating from a shared platter.8. Lalibela, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is home to eleven medieval rock-hewn churches, carved out of solid rock in the 12th century. These churches are a testament to Ethiopia’s rich architectural and religious history.9. Ethiopia has its own script called Ge’ez, and it’s one of the oldest alphabets still in use in the world. Amharic, the official language, is written in this script.10. Lake Tana, the largest lake in Ethiopia, is the source of the Blue Nile River, one of the main tributaries of the Nile. The Blue Nile contributes significantly to the water supply of Egypt and Sudan.#Ethiopia #Africa #history #interestingfacts #Jafer prof

1) Largest country in Africa by land mass – Algeria 🇩🇿2) Largest country in Africa by population – Nigeria 🇳🇬3) Largest movie industry in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬4) Largest democracy in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬5) Richest Black man – Nigerian 🇳🇬6) Richest African woman – Nigerian 🇳🇬7) Largest single solar power plant in Africa – Morocco 🇲🇦😎 Largest Museum in Africa – Egypt 🇪🇬9) Tallest building in Africa – Egypt 🇪🇬10) Largest rice mill in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬11) Largest fertilizer plant in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬12) Largest oil refinery in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬13) Largest fish farm in Africa – Egypt 🇪🇬14) Largest cement plant in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬15) Largest tea farm in Africa – Kenya 🇰🇪16) Largest music industry in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬17) Largest stadium in Africa – South Africa 🇿🇦18) Fastest train in Africa – Ethiopia🇪🇹19) Longest subsea gas pipeline in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬20) Largest city by population – Nigeria 🇳🇬21) Largest news network in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬22) Largest car race arena in Africa – South Africa 🇿🇦23) Largest pharmaceutical industry in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬24) Fastest woman in Africa – Nigerian 🇳🇬25) Fastest man in Africa – Kenyan 🇰🇪26) Largest stock exchange by market capitalization in Africa – South Africa 🇿🇦27) Largest stock exchange by number of listings – south Africa 🇿🇦28) Longest concrete road in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬29) Largest airline in Africa – Ethiopia 🇪🇹30) Most streamed musicians in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬31) Most awarded artist in Africa – Nigerian 🇳🇬32) Largest mall in Africa by structure – Morocco 🇲🇦33) Most valuable tech startup in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬34) Most valuable company in Africa – South Africa 🇿🇦35) Largest economy in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬36) Most tribes in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬37) Most languages in Africa – Nigeria 🇳🇬39) Largest seaport In Africa by size – Morocco 🇲🇦40) Largest university in Africa by area – Nigeria 🇳🇬#supporterofkanopillarsinmalaysia

man$Goat

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𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚 [ 𝐁𝐈𝐋𝐈𝐋𝐋𝐄𝐄] – 𝐎𝐫𝐨𝐦𝐨 slave girl who won the heart of a 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐞 She was born in 1820 in 𝐆𝐮𝐦𝐚, a 𝐬𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐧 𝐫𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞 of 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐨𝐩𝐢𝐚. Her parents named her “𝐁𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐞” which literally means 𝐰𝐞𝐥𝐥-𝐬𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐞𝐝 or 𝐩𝐫𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐲. But she later came to be known as 𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚 which means ‘𝐌𝐲 𝐁𝐞𝐥𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐝’ in 𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐜. In 1835/36, when she was 15, a civil war broke out around 𝐆𝐮𝐦𝐚 and she 𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐭 her 𝐟𝐚𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 and 𝐬𝐢𝐱 𝐛𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐬. As her village was burned to the ground, invading captors grabbed her, her sister and her mother and dragged them away as slaves. Mahbuba was first taken north to 𝐆𝐨𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐫, then soon after to 𝐊𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐭𝐨𝐮𝐦. After that, in 1837, slave traders took her to 𝐂𝐚𝐢𝐫𝐨. There they hoped to 𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐥 her to the 𝐡𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐛𝐢𝐝𝐝𝐞𝐫 among the rich sheiks and princes that happened to be in town. it so happened that, in 1837, 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐇𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐧 𝐅𝐮𝐫𝐬𝐭 𝐕𝐨𝐨𝐧 𝐏𝐮𝐜𝐤𝐥𝐞𝐫-𝐌𝐮𝐬𝐤𝐚𝐮 of Germany was traveling thru 𝐍𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐡 𝐀𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚. While in 𝐂𝐚𝐢𝐫𝐨, he went to the slave market, a popular venue for tourists. There he saw and was instantly struck by the 𝐛𝐞𝐚𝐮𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐠 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐨𝐩𝐢𝐚𝐧 ‘𝐒𝐥𝐚𝐯𝐞’ 𝐠𝐢𝐫𝐥 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐬𝐚𝐥𝐞. He immediately bought her, disguised her as his 𝐌𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐥𝐮𝐤𝐞 𝐛𝐨𝐲, and took her with him on his travels. The prince became completely besotted by 𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚 as they continued their travels together through 𝐏𝐚𝐥𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐞, 𝐒𝐲𝐫𝐢𝐚 and 𝐈𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐛𝐮𝐥. He was [𝐬𝐢𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐲 𝐦𝐞𝐬𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐳𝐞𝐝] by her 𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞, and eagerness to learn Western ways. For her part, 𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚 appeared to enjoy the 𝐧𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐥𝐭𝐲 of her new and totally un-imagined life. When they arrived in Europe, they stayed in Budapest for a while; and there, Mahbuba received 𝐇𝐨𝐥𝐲 𝐁𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐬𝐦. The Prince sent her for a time to the 𝐛𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐯𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐥 𝐢𝐧 𝐕𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐧𝐚, where he asked the nuns to teach her European ways. But to their surprise, she soon delighted them all 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞 and 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞. It was said that Mahbuba could light up any room she entered with her 𝐬𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐞. It also quickly became clear that she had an aptitude for languages as it took her no time at all to be 𝐟𝐥𝐮𝐞𝐧𝐭 in 𝐈𝐭𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐚𝐧 and 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧. She was delightful company, and 𝐬𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐲 𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐤𝐢𝐧𝐝 as well. High Society was enthusiastic to entertain the Prince and his ‘princess’, and to be 𝐫𝐞𝐠𝐚𝐥𝐞𝐝 𝐛𝐲 𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚’𝐬 𝐞𝐱𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐛𝐞𝐚𝐮𝐭𝐲. She was the 𝐭𝐨𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐕𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐧𝐚, written about in the 𝐧𝐞𝐰𝐬𝐩𝐚𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐬, and always the subject of enthusiastic conversation. When she was presented to the Emperor and his royal court, she was applauded. 𝐄𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲𝐨𝐧𝐞 𝐥𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐡𝐞𝐫. Sadly, it was soon discovered that Mahbuba could not get 𝐚𝐜𝐜𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐳𝐞𝐝 to the 𝐝𝐚𝐦𝐩 and 𝐜𝐨𝐥𝐝 𝐄𝐮𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐞𝐚 𝐜𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐞. At some point, 𝐬𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐝𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐧𝐨𝐬𝐞𝐝 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐭𝐮𝐛𝐞𝐫𝐜𝐮𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐬, and her health started to decline. As the Prince had to urgently go on a brief business mission to Berlin, he instructed their doctor to give Mahbuba the best of care. 𝐓𝐰𝐨 𝐝𝐚𝐲𝐬 𝐚𝐟𝐭𝐞𝐫 the 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐞’𝐬 𝐝𝐞𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞, on 𝐎𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐛𝐞𝐫 27, 1840, a servant drew back the curtains in 𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚’𝐬 room and found her 𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐬 𝐝𝐞𝐚𝐝. 𝐒𝐡𝐞 𝐡𝐚𝐝 𝐝𝐢𝐞𝐝 𝐚𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐞, a 𝐬𝐥𝐢𝐦 𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐲 𝐟𝐢𝐠𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐚 𝐥𝐚𝐫𝐠𝐞 𝐛𝐞𝐝. 𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚 was buried in the 𝐥𝐨𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐜𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐲, 𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐤𝐞𝐝 by a 𝐥𝐚𝐫𝐠𝐞 𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐧𝐞-𝐬𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐞𝐝 𝐬𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐨𝐩𝐡𝐚𝐠𝐮𝐬, with a single word: ‘𝐌𝐚𝐡𝐛𝐮𝐛𝐚’. The 𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐯𝐞-𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐞 is visited by 𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐬 of 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐞𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲 𝐲𝐞𝐚𝐫. “𝐈 𝐟𝐞𝐥𝐭 𝐦𝐨𝐫𝐞 𝐥𝐨𝐯𝐞 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐧 𝐈 𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐦𝐲𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐟 𝐜𝐚𝐩𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐞 𝐨𝐟,” the 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐰𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧 to a 𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐝,“ [𝐇𝐞𝐫 𝐝𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐡] 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙢𝙤𝙨𝙩 𝙢𝙤𝙨𝙩 𝙞𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙣𝙨𝙚 𝙥𝙖𝙞𝙣 ….”Via Hararghe pictures

Lola masriitiifi Ajjeechaa hogganoota afran Qalloo ( 1874- 1884 ) kuttaa 2ffaa. ————– Rauf pashaan erga magaalaa harar toohatee as kallattii adda addaatiin loltoota Murtii guutoo irratti waraana babbaasuu itti fufuudhaan karaa karra fallaanaatiin ona Noolee keessa Humna guddaa erge, haa tahu malee waraanni masrii Dirree Goflee ykn daayaa Goflee keessa, yeroo bakka bishaan Bunaa jedhamtu gahan loltoota murtii guutootiin wal Afaan dhufan. Lola kana irratti waraanni Rauf pashaa Ni caphe. Gara biraatiin naannawa ona Jaarsoo keessatti urfoo jiloo Bikkoo dabalatee, Garaada gosa jarsoo Adam Asahabiyyee , garaada gosa Girii jibriil fi Ali Abubakar ( Hararii) , warra wal gahii gubbaa jiru Waraanni masrii marsuudhaan hunda isaanii qaqabe. Akka barruun takka takka jettutti jara kana waraanni masrii gara biyya masriitti erguudhaan mana hidhaa magaalaa kaayirooKeessa jirutti hidhe. Rauf pasha waraana isaa cinaa kallattii Karra Ereriin jaarsotti bobbaase. Haa tahu malee waraanni kun jaarsoo keessatti bakka goobbaa jedhamtutti caphe. Waraanni masrii humni guddaan ,Kallattii karra Hammarreessaatiin harar irraa bobbahuun, maayaa Qalloo qaxxaamuruun, kurfaa callee keessaan irkata baaduutti ol bahuus waraanni murtii guutooBakka cirreettii jedhamutti afaan bahuun Guutuu guutuutti Daaraa godhe. Lola cirreettiiKan irratti Akka jedhamutti hogganoonni waraana murtii guutoo warri akka kormooso, ibroo shaxaatiifi Bal’aa Buubaa Lola kana irratti akka waraagamantu himama. Waraanni masrii kallattii hundaan Socho’uu waan Dadhabaa dhufe jecha Rauf mahmmad pashaa tooftaa waraana murtii guutoo itti dadhabsiisuu baafachuu eegale. Rauf pasha akka Aadaa oromotti, dubartoota oromoo magaalaa harar keessaa walitti funaanuun warra haadha siinqqee jedhaman Bakka waraanni murtii guutoo jirtu erguudhaan Araara akka barbaadu hime . Haala kanaan caffeen gadaa Afran Qalloo Walii galteen kun akka godhamu murteessuudhaan warra walii galtee nagayaa kana irratti hirmaatu hayyoota , warra gadamoojjii, gosa hunda irraa,warra jiraa gosaa tahan, Warra Abbaa gadaatiifi bokkuu tahan waliit qabuun walii galtee Nagayaa kana irratti akka hirmaataniif namoota 62 gara magaalaa Hararitti ergan. Rauf pashaa carraa kanatti fayyadamuun hamilee ummataa Caphsuu fi dadhabsiisuuf jecha Hogganoota Afran Qalloo kana bakka takkatti fixe. Ajjeechaa kana keessatti Hawaasni Afran Qalloo gootaa fi Hayyoota jajjaboo warra akka Caamaa Nuur, wadaay jiruu, wadaay Rigaa ,Roobaa fi baabboo daga faa dhabuus waraanni Murtii guutoo daran cimaa dhufe. Bara 1876 G.C. keessa, lola guddaa naannawa meettaatti godhameen oromoonniAfran Qallootiif Ituun waraana masrii dannabaan akka Cabsan baruu adda addaa keessatti ibsamee jira . Lolli oromoota afran Qallootiifi masroota jiddutti deemaa ture ,Lola bara kudhan guutuu godhamaa tureedha. Lola kana irratti namoonni kumaataman akka wareegaman ragaan barreeffamee jiru ni Adeessa.Madda ————‘— Pillipp paulitschke- 1885 – the ethnographie Nordost Africa. Muktar mahmmad- history and dictionary of Somali. Lewis I.M – people of horn Africa..Caulk A.Richard- ( 1971) the occupation of Harar. Abbaa urjii – Raammissoo .( 2012)

Continue reading Lola masriitiifi Ajjeechaa hogganoota afran Qalloo ( 1874- 1884 ) kuttaa 2ffaa. ————– Rauf pashaan erga magaalaa harar toohatee as kallattii adda addaatiin loltoota Murtii guutoo irratti waraana babbaasuu itti fufuudhaan karaa karra fallaanaatiin ona Noolee keessa Humna guddaa erge, haa tahu malee waraanni masrii Dirree Goflee ykn daayaa Goflee keessa, yeroo bakka bishaan Bunaa jedhamtu gahan loltoota murtii guutootiin wal Afaan dhufan. Lola kana irratti waraanni Rauf pashaa Ni caphe. Gara biraatiin naannawa ona Jaarsoo keessatti urfoo jiloo Bikkoo dabalatee, Garaada gosa jarsoo Adam Asahabiyyee , garaada gosa Girii jibriil fi Ali Abubakar ( Hararii) , warra wal gahii gubbaa jiru Waraanni masrii marsuudhaan hunda isaanii qaqabe. Akka barruun takka takka jettutti jara kana waraanni masrii gara biyya masriitti erguudhaan mana hidhaa magaalaa kaayirooKeessa jirutti hidhe. Rauf pasha waraana isaa cinaa kallattii Karra Ereriin jaarsotti bobbaase. Haa tahu malee waraanni kun jaarsoo keessatti bakka goobbaa jedhamtutti caphe. Waraanni masrii humni guddaan ,Kallattii karra Hammarreessaatiin harar irraa bobbahuun, maayaa Qalloo qaxxaamuruun, kurfaa callee keessaan irkata baaduutti ol bahuus waraanni murtii guutooBakka cirreettii jedhamutti afaan bahuun Guutuu guutuutti Daaraa godhe. Lola cirreettiiKan irratti Akka jedhamutti hogganoonni waraana murtii guutoo warri akka kormooso, ibroo shaxaatiifi Bal’aa Buubaa Lola kana irratti akka waraagamantu himama. Waraanni masrii kallattii hundaan Socho’uu waan Dadhabaa dhufe jecha Rauf mahmmad pashaa tooftaa waraana murtii guutoo itti dadhabsiisuu baafachuu eegale. Rauf pasha akka Aadaa oromotti, dubartoota oromoo magaalaa harar keessaa walitti funaanuun warra haadha siinqqee jedhaman Bakka waraanni murtii guutoo jirtu erguudhaan Araara akka barbaadu hime . Haala kanaan caffeen gadaa Afran Qalloo Walii galteen kun akka godhamu murteessuudhaan warra walii galtee nagayaa kana irratti hirmaatu hayyoota , warra gadamoojjii, gosa hunda irraa,warra jiraa gosaa tahan, Warra Abbaa gadaatiifi bokkuu tahan waliit qabuun walii galtee Nagayaa kana irratti akka hirmaataniif namoota 62 gara magaalaa Hararitti ergan. Rauf pashaa carraa kanatti fayyadamuun hamilee ummataa Caphsuu fi dadhabsiisuuf jecha Hogganoota Afran Qalloo kana bakka takkatti fixe. Ajjeechaa kana keessatti Hawaasni Afran Qalloo gootaa fi Hayyoota jajjaboo warra akka Caamaa Nuur, wadaay jiruu, wadaay Rigaa ,Roobaa fi baabboo daga faa dhabuus waraanni Murtii guutoo daran cimaa dhufe. Bara 1876 G.C. keessa, lola guddaa naannawa meettaatti godhameen oromoonniAfran Qallootiif Ituun waraana masrii dannabaan akka Cabsan baruu adda addaa keessatti ibsamee jira . Lolli oromoota afran Qallootiifi masroota jiddutti deemaa ture ,Lola bara kudhan guutuu godhamaa tureedha. Lola kana irratti namoonni kumaataman akka wareegaman ragaan barreeffamee jiru ni Adeessa.Madda ————‘— Pillipp paulitschke- 1885 – the ethnographie Nordost Africa. Muktar mahmmad- history and dictionary of Somali. Lewis I.M – people of horn Africa..Caulk A.Richard- ( 1971) the occupation of Harar. Abbaa urjii – Raammissoo .( 2012)

“Ethiopia as a Racialized Political and Diplomatic ProjectRecognizing the political and diplomatic significance of the name Ethiopia (the old name for the Black world), the Abyssinian state elites formally replaced the name Abyssinia with that of Ethiopia in the 1930s (Melba 1980). However, Ethiopian ideological history claims, “the modern Ethiopian state as the direct heir to the Ethiopia mentioned in biblical and classical sources. Ethiopian and Western scholars presented Ethiopia as an entity that had existed continuously as an integrated and independent state for three thousand years” (Sorenson 1998: 233-234). Opportunistically and skillfully, the Ethiopian state elites have used their Blackness to mobilize other Africans and the African diaspora (Harris 1986; Scott 1993), and Black U.S. policy elites against the Oromo and other colonized peoples (Jalata 2001[2012]. Several times, Ethiopian state elites have used the influence of the African diaspora for their political and economic interests, particularly in the United States, by capitalizing on the emotion they have for the name Ethiopia. Most Blacks in the diaspora “knew very little about the social and political conditions of Ethiopia. What they wrote or said about Ethiopia was at best a manifestation of their emotional state” (Scott 1993: 26). By confusing original Ethiopia (the Black world) with contemporary Ethiopia (former Abyssinia), the Habasha elites have misled some historically naive people in Africa, Europe, North America, and the world. Most people do not understand the difference between ancient Ethiopia and contemporary Ethiopia. Because of this historical misinformation, Africans who were colonized or enslaved by Europeans, except those who were enslaved and colonized by contemporary Ethiopians, wrongly considered contemporary Ethiopia (former Abyssinia) as an island of Black freedom because it was able to maintain formal political power, albeit with the help of Euro-American powers. In reality, fascist Italy directly colonized Ethiopia between 1935 and 1941, and Great Britain liberated Ethiopia from direct Italian colonialism, and made it its informal colony. Most Africans are unaware that Ethiopia’s political power came from allying with the colonizing European powers. Former Abyssinia (present Ethiopia) has been a “prison house” in which the Oromo and other colonized and enslaved population groups were and still are brutalized. By using the discredited racist categorization of human groups, such as Semitic, Hamitic, Negroid, and Cushitic, Habashas have a stratified hierarchy in which they place the Oromo and the others between themselves and the people that they wrongly call Shankillas—people they consider Negroid (Donham and James 1986:123-124). Despite the fact that Habashas are Black, they consider themselves Semitic by relating themselves to the Middle East, Europe, and North America and by dissociating from Africa, whose peoples they consider both racially and culturally inferior. John Sorenson (1998: 229) expresses this racist attitude as “a multiplicity of Ethiopians, blacks who are whites, the quintessential Africans who reject African identity.” Because the concept of race is a sociopolitical construct, it is essential to critically understand the historical context in which Ethiopian racism is produced and reproduced to denigrate the colonized peoples to deny them access to Ethiopian state power and economic resources. In Ethiopian discourse, racial distinctions have been invented, reinvented and manipulated to perpetuate the political objective of Habasha domination of the colonized population groups. “The fact that racial distinctions are easily manipulated and reversed indicates,” Sorenson (1998: 229) notes, “the absurdity of any claims that they have an objective basis and locates these distinctions where they actually occur, in political power.” The Habasha elites recognize the importance of racial distinctions in linking themselves to the Middle East, Europe, and North America to mobilize support for their diplomatic and political projects. Jews, Arabs, Europeans, and Americans also see Habashas as closer to themselves than the peoples whom they consider “real Black.” The West, particularly the United States, places Habashas on “an intermediate position between whites and blacks” and considers them closer to “the European race” or members of “the great Caucasian family” (as quoted in Marcus 1996: 5). Furthermore, there were Europeans who considered Habashas as a very intelligent people because of their racial affinity with the “Caucasian race” (Marcus 1996: 7). There were also those who saw Habashas as “dark-skinned white people” and “racial and cultural middleman” between Black Africa on one side and Europe and the Middle East on the other (Marcus 1996: 7). One German scholar admired the intelligence of Habashas and noted that he never saw such mental capability among Negroes, Arabs, Egyptians, and Nubians (as cited in Marcus 1996: 6). These racist discourses go unchallenged in academic and popular discourses because they help reproduce Ethiopian racist and colonial state power. U.S. foreign policy elites, diplomats, and other officials recognize and defend such “racial pretension of Ethiopia’s ruling class” (Robinson 1985: 53). Racist Euro-American scholars use these kinds of racist discourses to show the significance of Whiteness and denigrate the value of Blackness in human civilization. Despite the fact that their skin color is Black, Ethiopian elites joined their racist White counterparts to devalue the humanity of Black people (Jalata 1999). While glorifying the culture and civilization of Habashas, European racist scholars, such as Edward Ullendorff (1960: 76), advanced the notion that the Oromo, as a barbaric people, did not possess “significant material or intellectual culture” that would allow them to “contribute to the Semitized civilization of Ethiopia.” To demonstrate the superiority of the civilization and culture of Amharas and Tigrayans, racist scholars downplayed “the African-ness of ancient Ethiopia [Abyssinia] . . . to emphasize its similarities to European societies” (Sorenson 1998: 29). John Sorenson (1998: 234) expounds, “along with the emphasis on a Great Tradition in Ethiopian history, came a specific configuration of racial identity. As in other discourses of race, this configuration merged power with phenotypic features in order to devalue the Oromo and other groups as both ‘more African’ and ‘more primitive’ than the Amhara [and Tigray]. The Oromo were presented as warlike, essentially ‘people without history’ and without any relationship to the land.” In Ethiopian studies, the Oromo were depicted as “crueler scourges” and “barbarian hordes who brought darkness and ignorance in the train” to Ethiopia (Harris 1844: 72-73); they were also depicted as evil, ignorant, order-less, destructive, infiltrators, and invasive (Abba Bahrey 1954; Bruce 1973; Marcus 1994; Ullendorff, 1960). In addition, the Oromo were seen as “a decadent race” that was “less advanced” because of their racial and cultural inferiority (Fargo 1935: 45). Therefore, their colonization and enslavement by the alliance of Ethiopians and Europeans were seen as a civilizing mission. Because in racist and modernist thinking, historical development is linear and society develops from a primitive or backward stage to a civilized or advanced one, the Oromo, who have been seen as a primitive people, are also considered as part of a collection of “tribes” or a single “tribe” or a “cluster” of diverse groups that cannot develop any nationalist political consciousness except tribalism (Clapham 1969; Gilkes 1975: 204-206; Marcus 1994: 4). Racist and modernist scholars have also denied the existence of a unified Oromo identity and argued that the Oromo cannot achieve statehood because they are geographically scattered and lack cultural substance (Clapham 1994; Levine 1994; Perham 1969: 377). Generally speaking, both the Ethiopian elites and their Euro-American counterparts have built Ethiopianism as a racial project at the cost of indigenous Africans, such as the Oromo. John Sorenson (1998: 232) writes, “Western discourse . . . duplicated many of the assumptions and ideologies that had been put in place by the ruling elites of Ethiopia, constructing the latter as the carriers of a Great Tradition which was engaged in its own Civilizing Mission with respect to what it regarded as other uncivilized Groups in Ethiopia.” The Impact of Racism on the Oromo and OthersJust as successive Amhara-dominated regimes engaged in terrorism and genocide (Jalata 2000) and exploited the resources of the Oromo, Afar, Ogaden Somali, Sidama, and others, the Tigrayan-dominated regime engaged in similar practices to suppress the national movements of these indigenous peoples in order to maintain a racial/ethnonational hierarchy and continued subjugation. With the intensification of the national movements of these subjugated nations, the Tigrayan-led regime had been engaged in massive human rights violations, terrorism, and hidden genocide. While engaging in state terrorism in the form of war, torture, rape, and hidden genocide to control the Oromo and others and loot their economic resources, the Tigrayan state elites claimed that they were promoting democracy, federalism, and national self-determination. Supported by the West, mainly the United States, and using political terrorism, this regime dominated and controlled the Oromo and others, denying them freedom of expression, association, or organization, as well as access to the media and related forms of communication and information networks (Jalata 1993/2005: 86). The Meles regime used various techniques of violence to terrorize the Oromo who were engaged in the struggle for liberation and democracy. Its soldiers whipped or tortured; locked in steel barrels or forced into pits where fire was made on top of them; fixed large containers or bottles filled with water to men’s testicles; or, if their victims were women, bottles or poles were pushed into their vaginas (Fossati, Namarra, and Niggli 1996). In addition, the soldiers of the Tigrayan-led regime openly shot thousands of peaceful peoples in Oromia, leaving their bodies for hyenas, burying them in mass graves, or throwing their corpses off cliffs. Other methods of killing include burning, bombing, cutting throats or arteries in the neck, strangulation, and burying people up to their necks in the ground. As Mohammed Hassen (2001) estimates, between 1992 and 2001 about 50,000 killings and 16,000 disappearances (euphemism for secret killings) occurred in Oromia alone. Furthermore, he estimates that 90% of the killings were not reported. To hide these state crimes from the world community, the Meles government did not “keep written records of its extra-judicial executions and the prolonged detention of political prisoners” (as quoted in Hassen 2001: 33). The regime killed or imprisoned thousands of Oromo students because they engaged in peaceful demonstrations. Saman Zia-Zarifi (2004: 1), the academic freedom director at Human Rights Watch, notes, “Shooting at unarmed students is a shameful misuse of government power” in Ethiopia. The political agenda of the destruction of the Oromo society is not a new phenomenon. The West has been supporting this political agenda. The massive killing of the Oromo by Abyssinian colonialism was never condemned as genocide. As Leenco Lata (1998: 135) notes, “Despite its unparalleled brutality, Menelik’s conquest escaped condemnation as the only positive historical development in the Africa of the late 1800s. To achieve this, the Oromo were made to appear deserving to be conquered.” Just as genocide committed by Menelik and his followers escaped world condemnation, so is the ethno-national cleansing that was systematically committed by the Meles regime. According to Lata (1998: 135), “The massacre of Oromo by any one of the Ethiopian forces rarely gets mentioned in Ethiopian or Euro-American writings. The slightest threat to the Abyssinian by the Oromo, however, can throw up a storm of protest and condemnation.” The popular and academic discourses on the Oromo and others are full of racist prejudices and stereotypes. When Habashas want to make a point of the alleged inferiority of the Oromo and others on the racial/ethnonational hierarchy, or to deny them their humanity, they debase an individual and her or his nationality by asking, “sawu nawu Galla?” (Is he a human being or a Galla?) This query shows that Habashas consider the Oromo and others as inferior human beings. Even Christianity is used to promote racism in Ethiopia. For instance, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church publication denounced sexual relations between Habashas and the Oromo and others by saying that Jesus would punish those who would have sexual intercourse with “the cursed, the dumb, the Moslems, the Galla, the Shankilla, the Falasha, the horse, the donkey, the camel and all those who committed sodomy” (as quoted in Lata 1998: 143). This religious tract was written in Geez (an old Abyssinian language) and translated into Amharic in 1968. While its original date of writing and authorship are unknown, the piece has been popular and widely recited by literate Habashas. The Oromo, Ethiopian Jews, Muslims, and various peoples were categorized with beasts, such as horses, donkeys, and camels. The implicit intention of the Orthodox Church was to draw a racial/ethnonational boundary between Habashas and non-Habashas to maintain the racial/ethnonational purity of the former. Habasha stereotypes depict the Oromo as a dirty people; the expression “Galla na sagara eyadare yigamal” compares the Oromo to feces and claims that the Oromo continue to stink like feces with passing days. This expression warns that the closer you get to the Oromo, the more you find how they are bad and dirty. This racial insult is used to create suspicion between the Oromo and Habashas. Another expression depicts the Oromo as a rotten people (“timbi or bisbis Galla”). Yet another expression explains that the Oromo cannot be clean even if they wash themselves again and again; it says that “Galla na Shinfila ayitaram,” which literally means, “Even if you wash them, stomach lining and a Galla will never come clean.” A Habasha expression claims that the Oromo’s attempt to be civilized cannot be successful because they are predestined to fail in civilization projects. The saying “Galla sisaltin bacharaqa jantila yizo yizoral” attempts to show that even if he or she is civilized, an Oromo does not know the true essence of civility. Literally this saying translates, “When an Oromo is civilized he stretches his umbrella in moonlight and walks around so that he can be seen by others.” Simply put, because the Oromo are stupid, they do not know how to behave in a civilized way. The expression “Ye Galla chawa, ye gomen choma yelewum” depicts the Oromo as a society that does not have respected and notable individuals. The literal translation of this expression reads, “As there is no fat in vegetables or greens, there is no a gentleman in the Galla community.” Generally the Oromo have been seen as a useless people who do not deserve respect. But, in reality, the achievements of the Oromo made Ethiopia to be known to the world. For example, Abebe Biqila was an Oromo marathon champion who won the 1960 Summer Olympics gold medal in Rome while running barefoot, and the second gold medal at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics on behalf of Ethiopia. There are also many Oromo long-distance runners, including Feyisa Lelisa, Keneisa Bekele, Derartu Tulu, Genzebe Dibaba, Mesarat Dafar, and Almaz Ayana, who increased the recognition of Ethiopia in the World. The well-known singer of Ethiopia, Tilahun, Gesese, was an Oromo who passed as an Amhara, too. Paradoxically, Haile Selassie and Mengistu Haile Mariam who were the head of the Ethiopian State had Oromo fathers although they disassociated themselves from an Oromo identity and considered themselves Amharas in order to get legitimacy from the Amhara establishment and institutions, such as the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. However, the Oromo have been insulted for even trying to assimilate to Ethiopian culture by speaking an Ethiopian language. Habasha racists have expressed their anger toward the Oromo who have mispronounced Amharic words by saying that “Afun yalfata Galla; tabitaba Galla” (an Oromo who cannot express himself clearly). To psychologically demoralize the Oromo, the Habasha discourse also depicts the Oromo as a cowardly people who cannot resist subordination; the saying “and Amhara matto Galla yinadal” clearly shows the essence of this discourse. Literally it translates, “One Amhara can force one hundred Oromos into submission or subordination.” But, historical evidence indicates that until they allied with Europeans and obtained modern weapons, Habashas saw Oromo fighters as their nightmare. Even a poor Habasha or a leper claims that he or she is better than a Galla; the expressions “Even if I am poor, I am not a Galla,” and “Even if I am a leper, I am not a Galla” clearly show how most Habashas, including the sick and the poor, claim racial/ethnonational superiority. Generally speaking, Habashas have “looked upon and treated the indigenous people as backward, heathen, filthy, deceitful, lazy, and even stupid—stereotypes that European colonialists commonly ascribed their African subjects” (as quoted in Tibebu, 1995: 44). Furthermore, Habasha social institutions, such as family, school, media, government, and religion, reproduce and perpetuate these racist prejudices and stereotypes within the Ethiopian society. Explaining how racial insults wound the colonized people, Richard Delgado (1998: 346) says, “The racial insult remains one of the most pervasive channels through which discriminatory attitudes are imparted. Such language injures the dignity and self-regard of the person to whom it is addressed, communicating the message that distinctions of race are distinctions of merit, dignity, status, and personhood. Not only does the listener learn and internalize the messages contained in racial insults, these messages color our society’s institutions and are transmitted to succeeding generations.” These prejudices and stereotypes consciously or unconsciously have influenced Ethiopians and Ethiopian studies. Ethiopians, and particularly those Ethiopian scholars and Ethiopianists who have been influenced by these assumptions, have never respected Oromo culture and have opposed the Oromo struggle for social justice, democracy, and human rights under a variety of different pretexts. Some assert that because the Oromo are dispersed among other peoples, the question of national self-determination is not applicable to their cause; others argue that the assimilation of the Oromo to Habashas both biologically and culturally prevent them from having a cultural identity that enables them to have national self-determination (Lata 1998: 139-144). Furthermore, because the Oromo are considered “invaders” of Ethiopia, some Ethiopian elites argue that the Oromo do not deserve national self-determination because the region that they call Oromia does not belong to them (Gerbee 1993: 50). This assertion implicitly assumes that the Oromo must accept their subjugation and second-class citizenship, or they must leave the Ethiopian Empire before they will be totally annihilated for continuing to demand national self-determination, statehood, and democracy. Ethiopianism hid the true nature of Ethiopian racism and colonialism. The Habasha elites have also used Ethiopianism to claim the unity of the colonizer and the colonized population groups in the Ethiopian Empire while committing such serious crimes against humanity. It is no wonder that all the colonized population groups in the Ethiopian Empire reject the ideology of Ethiopianism. In particular, the Oromo have developed national Oromummaa (Oromo-centric worldview, culture, and nationalism) to oppose Ethiopianism and to dismantle the racial/ethnonational hierarchy and Ethiopian settler colonialism and its institutions. “Professor Asafa JalataDeragatory terms :’Galla’ for Oromo and ‘Arusi’ for Arsi in the map of 1945!

Continue reading “Ethiopia as a Racialized Political and Diplomatic ProjectRecognizing the political and diplomatic significance of the name Ethiopia (the old name for the Black world), the Abyssinian state elites formally replaced the name Abyssinia with that of Ethiopia in the 1930s (Melba 1980). However, Ethiopian ideological history claims, “the modern Ethiopian state as the direct heir to the Ethiopia mentioned in biblical and classical sources. Ethiopian and Western scholars presented Ethiopia as an entity that had existed continuously as an integrated and independent state for three thousand years” (Sorenson 1998: 233-234). Opportunistically and skillfully, the Ethiopian state elites have used their Blackness to mobilize other Africans and the African diaspora (Harris 1986; Scott 1993), and Black U.S. policy elites against the Oromo and other colonized peoples (Jalata 2001[2012]. Several times, Ethiopian state elites have used the influence of the African diaspora for their political and economic interests, particularly in the United States, by capitalizing on the emotion they have for the name Ethiopia. Most Blacks in the diaspora “knew very little about the social and political conditions of Ethiopia. What they wrote or said about Ethiopia was at best a manifestation of their emotional state” (Scott 1993: 26). By confusing original Ethiopia (the Black world) with contemporary Ethiopia (former Abyssinia), the Habasha elites have misled some historically naive people in Africa, Europe, North America, and the world. Most people do not understand the difference between ancient Ethiopia and contemporary Ethiopia. Because of this historical misinformation, Africans who were colonized or enslaved by Europeans, except those who were enslaved and colonized by contemporary Ethiopians, wrongly considered contemporary Ethiopia (former Abyssinia) as an island of Black freedom because it was able to maintain formal political power, albeit with the help of Euro-American powers. In reality, fascist Italy directly colonized Ethiopia between 1935 and 1941, and Great Britain liberated Ethiopia from direct Italian colonialism, and made it its informal colony. Most Africans are unaware that Ethiopia’s political power came from allying with the colonizing European powers. Former Abyssinia (present Ethiopia) has been a “prison house” in which the Oromo and other colonized and enslaved population groups were and still are brutalized. By using the discredited racist categorization of human groups, such as Semitic, Hamitic, Negroid, and Cushitic, Habashas have a stratified hierarchy in which they place the Oromo and the others between themselves and the people that they wrongly call Shankillas—people they consider Negroid (Donham and James 1986:123-124). Despite the fact that Habashas are Black, they consider themselves Semitic by relating themselves to the Middle East, Europe, and North America and by dissociating from Africa, whose peoples they consider both racially and culturally inferior. John Sorenson (1998: 229) expresses this racist attitude as “a multiplicity of Ethiopians, blacks who are whites, the quintessential Africans who reject African identity.” Because the concept of race is a sociopolitical construct, it is essential to critically understand the historical context in which Ethiopian racism is produced and reproduced to denigrate the colonized peoples to deny them access to Ethiopian state power and economic resources. In Ethiopian discourse, racial distinctions have been invented, reinvented and manipulated to perpetuate the political objective of Habasha domination of the colonized population groups. “The fact that racial distinctions are easily manipulated and reversed indicates,” Sorenson (1998: 229) notes, “the absurdity of any claims that they have an objective basis and locates these distinctions where they actually occur, in political power.” The Habasha elites recognize the importance of racial distinctions in linking themselves to the Middle East, Europe, and North America to mobilize support for their diplomatic and political projects. Jews, Arabs, Europeans, and Americans also see Habashas as closer to themselves than the peoples whom they consider “real Black.” The West, particularly the United States, places Habashas on “an intermediate position between whites and blacks” and considers them closer to “the European race” or members of “the great Caucasian family” (as quoted in Marcus 1996: 5). Furthermore, there were Europeans who considered Habashas as a very intelligent people because of their racial affinity with the “Caucasian race” (Marcus 1996: 7). There were also those who saw Habashas as “dark-skinned white people” and “racial and cultural middleman” between Black Africa on one side and Europe and the Middle East on the other (Marcus 1996: 7). One German scholar admired the intelligence of Habashas and noted that he never saw such mental capability among Negroes, Arabs, Egyptians, and Nubians (as cited in Marcus 1996: 6). These racist discourses go unchallenged in academic and popular discourses because they help reproduce Ethiopian racist and colonial state power. U.S. foreign policy elites, diplomats, and other officials recognize and defend such “racial pretension of Ethiopia’s ruling class” (Robinson 1985: 53). Racist Euro-American scholars use these kinds of racist discourses to show the significance of Whiteness and denigrate the value of Blackness in human civilization. Despite the fact that their skin color is Black, Ethiopian elites joined their racist White counterparts to devalue the humanity of Black people (Jalata 1999). While glorifying the culture and civilization of Habashas, European racist scholars, such as Edward Ullendorff (1960: 76), advanced the notion that the Oromo, as a barbaric people, did not possess “significant material or intellectual culture” that would allow them to “contribute to the Semitized civilization of Ethiopia.” To demonstrate the superiority of the civilization and culture of Amharas and Tigrayans, racist scholars downplayed “the African-ness of ancient Ethiopia [Abyssinia] . . . to emphasize its similarities to European societies” (Sorenson 1998: 29). John Sorenson (1998: 234) expounds, “along with the emphasis on a Great Tradition in Ethiopian history, came a specific configuration of racial identity. As in other discourses of race, this configuration merged power with phenotypic features in order to devalue the Oromo and other groups as both ‘more African’ and ‘more primitive’ than the Amhara [and Tigray]. The Oromo were presented as warlike, essentially ‘people without history’ and without any relationship to the land.” In Ethiopian studies, the Oromo were depicted as “crueler scourges” and “barbarian hordes who brought darkness and ignorance in the train” to Ethiopia (Harris 1844: 72-73); they were also depicted as evil, ignorant, order-less, destructive, infiltrators, and invasive (Abba Bahrey 1954; Bruce 1973; Marcus 1994; Ullendorff, 1960). In addition, the Oromo were seen as “a decadent race” that was “less advanced” because of their racial and cultural inferiority (Fargo 1935: 45). Therefore, their colonization and enslavement by the alliance of Ethiopians and Europeans were seen as a civilizing mission. Because in racist and modernist thinking, historical development is linear and society develops from a primitive or backward stage to a civilized or advanced one, the Oromo, who have been seen as a primitive people, are also considered as part of a collection of “tribes” or a single “tribe” or a “cluster” of diverse groups that cannot develop any nationalist political consciousness except tribalism (Clapham 1969; Gilkes 1975: 204-206; Marcus 1994: 4). Racist and modernist scholars have also denied the existence of a unified Oromo identity and argued that the Oromo cannot achieve statehood because they are geographically scattered and lack cultural substance (Clapham 1994; Levine 1994; Perham 1969: 377). Generally speaking, both the Ethiopian elites and their Euro-American counterparts have built Ethiopianism as a racial project at the cost of indigenous Africans, such as the Oromo. John Sorenson (1998: 232) writes, “Western discourse . . . duplicated many of the assumptions and ideologies that had been put in place by the ruling elites of Ethiopia, constructing the latter as the carriers of a Great Tradition which was engaged in its own Civilizing Mission with respect to what it regarded as other uncivilized Groups in Ethiopia.” The Impact of Racism on the Oromo and OthersJust as successive Amhara-dominated regimes engaged in terrorism and genocide (Jalata 2000) and exploited the resources of the Oromo, Afar, Ogaden Somali, Sidama, and others, the Tigrayan-dominated regime engaged in similar practices to suppress the national movements of these indigenous peoples in order to maintain a racial/ethnonational hierarchy and continued subjugation. With the intensification of the national movements of these subjugated nations, the Tigrayan-led regime had been engaged in massive human rights violations, terrorism, and hidden genocide. While engaging in state terrorism in the form of war, torture, rape, and hidden genocide to control the Oromo and others and loot their economic resources, the Tigrayan state elites claimed that they were promoting democracy, federalism, and national self-determination. Supported by the West, mainly the United States, and using political terrorism, this regime dominated and controlled the Oromo and others, denying them freedom of expression, association, or organization, as well as access to the media and related forms of communication and information networks (Jalata 1993/2005: 86). The Meles regime used various techniques of violence to terrorize the Oromo who were engaged in the struggle for liberation and democracy. Its soldiers whipped or tortured; locked in steel barrels or forced into pits where fire was made on top of them; fixed large containers or bottles filled with water to men’s testicles; or, if their victims were women, bottles or poles were pushed into their vaginas (Fossati, Namarra, and Niggli 1996). In addition, the soldiers of the Tigrayan-led regime openly shot thousands of peaceful peoples in Oromia, leaving their bodies for hyenas, burying them in mass graves, or throwing their corpses off cliffs. Other methods of killing include burning, bombing, cutting throats or arteries in the neck, strangulation, and burying people up to their necks in the ground. As Mohammed Hassen (2001) estimates, between 1992 and 2001 about 50,000 killings and 16,000 disappearances (euphemism for secret killings) occurred in Oromia alone. Furthermore, he estimates that 90% of the killings were not reported. To hide these state crimes from the world community, the Meles government did not “keep written records of its extra-judicial executions and the prolonged detention of political prisoners” (as quoted in Hassen 2001: 33). The regime killed or imprisoned thousands of Oromo students because they engaged in peaceful demonstrations. Saman Zia-Zarifi (2004: 1), the academic freedom director at Human Rights Watch, notes, “Shooting at unarmed students is a shameful misuse of government power” in Ethiopia. The political agenda of the destruction of the Oromo society is not a new phenomenon. The West has been supporting this political agenda. The massive killing of the Oromo by Abyssinian colonialism was never condemned as genocide. As Leenco Lata (1998: 135) notes, “Despite its unparalleled brutality, Menelik’s conquest escaped condemnation as the only positive historical development in the Africa of the late 1800s. To achieve this, the Oromo were made to appear deserving to be conquered.” Just as genocide committed by Menelik and his followers escaped world condemnation, so is the ethno-national cleansing that was systematically committed by the Meles regime. According to Lata (1998: 135), “The massacre of Oromo by any one of the Ethiopian forces rarely gets mentioned in Ethiopian or Euro-American writings. The slightest threat to the Abyssinian by the Oromo, however, can throw up a storm of protest and condemnation.” The popular and academic discourses on the Oromo and others are full of racist prejudices and stereotypes. When Habashas want to make a point of the alleged inferiority of the Oromo and others on the racial/ethnonational hierarchy, or to deny them their humanity, they debase an individual and her or his nationality by asking, “sawu nawu Galla?” (Is he a human being or a Galla?) This query shows that Habashas consider the Oromo and others as inferior human beings. Even Christianity is used to promote racism in Ethiopia. For instance, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church publication denounced sexual relations between Habashas and the Oromo and others by saying that Jesus would punish those who would have sexual intercourse with “the cursed, the dumb, the Moslems, the Galla, the Shankilla, the Falasha, the horse, the donkey, the camel and all those who committed sodomy” (as quoted in Lata 1998: 143). This religious tract was written in Geez (an old Abyssinian language) and translated into Amharic in 1968. While its original date of writing and authorship are unknown, the piece has been popular and widely recited by literate Habashas. The Oromo, Ethiopian Jews, Muslims, and various peoples were categorized with beasts, such as horses, donkeys, and camels. The implicit intention of the Orthodox Church was to draw a racial/ethnonational boundary between Habashas and non-Habashas to maintain the racial/ethnonational purity of the former. Habasha stereotypes depict the Oromo as a dirty people; the expression “Galla na sagara eyadare yigamal” compares the Oromo to feces and claims that the Oromo continue to stink like feces with passing days. This expression warns that the closer you get to the Oromo, the more you find how they are bad and dirty. This racial insult is used to create suspicion between the Oromo and Habashas. Another expression depicts the Oromo as a rotten people (“timbi or bisbis Galla”). Yet another expression explains that the Oromo cannot be clean even if they wash themselves again and again; it says that “Galla na Shinfila ayitaram,” which literally means, “Even if you wash them, stomach lining and a Galla will never come clean.” A Habasha expression claims that the Oromo’s attempt to be civilized cannot be successful because they are predestined to fail in civilization projects. The saying “Galla sisaltin bacharaqa jantila yizo yizoral” attempts to show that even if he or she is civilized, an Oromo does not know the true essence of civility. Literally this saying translates, “When an Oromo is civilized he stretches his umbrella in moonlight and walks around so that he can be seen by others.” Simply put, because the Oromo are stupid, they do not know how to behave in a civilized way. The expression “Ye Galla chawa, ye gomen choma yelewum” depicts the Oromo as a society that does not have respected and notable individuals. The literal translation of this expression reads, “As there is no fat in vegetables or greens, there is no a gentleman in the Galla community.” Generally the Oromo have been seen as a useless people who do not deserve respect. But, in reality, the achievements of the Oromo made Ethiopia to be known to the world. For example, Abebe Biqila was an Oromo marathon champion who won the 1960 Summer Olympics gold medal in Rome while running barefoot, and the second gold medal at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics on behalf of Ethiopia. There are also many Oromo long-distance runners, including Feyisa Lelisa, Keneisa Bekele, Derartu Tulu, Genzebe Dibaba, Mesarat Dafar, and Almaz Ayana, who increased the recognition of Ethiopia in the World. The well-known singer of Ethiopia, Tilahun, Gesese, was an Oromo who passed as an Amhara, too. Paradoxically, Haile Selassie and Mengistu Haile Mariam who were the head of the Ethiopian State had Oromo fathers although they disassociated themselves from an Oromo identity and considered themselves Amharas in order to get legitimacy from the Amhara establishment and institutions, such as the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. However, the Oromo have been insulted for even trying to assimilate to Ethiopian culture by speaking an Ethiopian language. Habasha racists have expressed their anger toward the Oromo who have mispronounced Amharic words by saying that “Afun yalfata Galla; tabitaba Galla” (an Oromo who cannot express himself clearly). To psychologically demoralize the Oromo, the Habasha discourse also depicts the Oromo as a cowardly people who cannot resist subordination; the saying “and Amhara matto Galla yinadal” clearly shows the essence of this discourse. Literally it translates, “One Amhara can force one hundred Oromos into submission or subordination.” But, historical evidence indicates that until they allied with Europeans and obtained modern weapons, Habashas saw Oromo fighters as their nightmare. Even a poor Habasha or a leper claims that he or she is better than a Galla; the expressions “Even if I am poor, I am not a Galla,” and “Even if I am a leper, I am not a Galla” clearly show how most Habashas, including the sick and the poor, claim racial/ethnonational superiority. Generally speaking, Habashas have “looked upon and treated the indigenous people as backward, heathen, filthy, deceitful, lazy, and even stupid—stereotypes that European colonialists commonly ascribed their African subjects” (as quoted in Tibebu, 1995: 44). Furthermore, Habasha social institutions, such as family, school, media, government, and religion, reproduce and perpetuate these racist prejudices and stereotypes within the Ethiopian society. Explaining how racial insults wound the colonized people, Richard Delgado (1998: 346) says, “The racial insult remains one of the most pervasive channels through which discriminatory attitudes are imparted. Such language injures the dignity and self-regard of the person to whom it is addressed, communicating the message that distinctions of race are distinctions of merit, dignity, status, and personhood. Not only does the listener learn and internalize the messages contained in racial insults, these messages color our society’s institutions and are transmitted to succeeding generations.” These prejudices and stereotypes consciously or unconsciously have influenced Ethiopians and Ethiopian studies. Ethiopians, and particularly those Ethiopian scholars and Ethiopianists who have been influenced by these assumptions, have never respected Oromo culture and have opposed the Oromo struggle for social justice, democracy, and human rights under a variety of different pretexts. Some assert that because the Oromo are dispersed among other peoples, the question of national self-determination is not applicable to their cause; others argue that the assimilation of the Oromo to Habashas both biologically and culturally prevent them from having a cultural identity that enables them to have national self-determination (Lata 1998: 139-144). Furthermore, because the Oromo are considered “invaders” of Ethiopia, some Ethiopian elites argue that the Oromo do not deserve national self-determination because the region that they call Oromia does not belong to them (Gerbee 1993: 50). This assertion implicitly assumes that the Oromo must accept their subjugation and second-class citizenship, or they must leave the Ethiopian Empire before they will be totally annihilated for continuing to demand national self-determination, statehood, and democracy. Ethiopianism hid the true nature of Ethiopian racism and colonialism. The Habasha elites have also used Ethiopianism to claim the unity of the colonizer and the colonized population groups in the Ethiopian Empire while committing such serious crimes against humanity. It is no wonder that all the colonized population groups in the Ethiopian Empire reject the ideology of Ethiopianism. In particular, the Oromo have developed national Oromummaa (Oromo-centric worldview, culture, and nationalism) to oppose Ethiopianism and to dismantle the racial/ethnonational hierarchy and Ethiopian settler colonialism and its institutions. “Professor Asafa JalataDeragatory terms :’Galla’ for Oromo and ‘Arusi’ for Arsi in the map of 1945!

Oromumma: Comprehensive Understanding of Oromoness In the 1960s, it was not the concept of Oromoness (hereafter Oromumma) which was conceptually debated. It was Ethiopia and who constitutes Ethiopian which was at the center of ‘the nationalities question’ as formulated by Ethiopian Student Movement leaders such as Ibsa Gutema, Walelign Mekonen, Muhe Abdo and others. At the time, Ethiopianess, in terms of cultural stuff—language, music, way of life—, politics and religion, was equated with Amharaness (and to some extent Amhara-Tigrawayness) (see Walelign Mekonen’s six page masterpiece). Due to the whole process of state formation and the subsequent “nation-building” project of the ancien regime, and the resultant resistance it had to face from the conquered nations, Donald Levine summed it the whole process as “Amhara thesis”, “Oromo anti-thesis” and “Ethiopian synthesis”. Levine’s formulation was criticized only for narrowly defining it from two major national groups. Backed by historically failed nostalgic project of building “Amharic speaking one-nation of Ethiopia”, a section of Ethiopian elites continued to advance anti-Oromo envisaged Ethiopia. Recently, the concept of Oromumma has become, let me say, agenda of discussions and debates among many. That initiated me to refer back literature and my own experiences. Thus, it is important, at this historical juncture, that we all have full picture of what Oromummaa is and what it is not. I am not a social-anthropologist, but a student of political science just to admit my scholarly gaps. Understanding Oromumma: A holistic Approach Oromummaa is a broader concept. It is explained by the totality of Oromo culture. It is much deeper and complex than what we think. It is explained in terms of cultural stuff (norms, values, traditions), languages, belief systems, arts, history and tradition, jiruuf-jireenya (work and life), worldview/philosophy, democratic values, symbolism and identity, landed concept, and socially integrating ‘others’. “Oromumma, derived from the name Oromo, refers to all those elements that constitute the Oromo personality. […]. In short, ‘Oromoness’ is composed of the totality of the Oromo culture” (Gemechu Megersa, 1996: p.92). Oromo traditions provide the basics of Oromumma. No nation without its own history. Oromo is an ancient people in the Northeast Africa. Oromumma is built on the knowledge of the history of the Oromo. There are also traditions that nurture Oromumma from childhood. Hibbo (riddle) is played by youths in the night. It is a mental exercise; in modern terms, IQ development strategies. Knowledge of mammaaksa (Oromo proverbs) is critical. In the Oromo tradition, “mammaaksi dubbii fixuuf ykn dubbii fiduuf” (proverbs either resolve or cause a dispute), is the part of the day-to-day activity of the Oromo society. The appropriate usage of Oromo’s mammaaksa is critical element of Oromumma. Oromo elders begin discussions, and conclude them with mammaaksa. One of the targets of assimilation policy was this mammaaksa and its usage, making generations to forget their own and adopt the nationally prescribed ones. Such strategies of weakening aspect of Oromumma has always been subtle. Moggaasa maqaa: A newly born baby should get name, and it must be approved by appropriate traditional institution. Oromo naming for newly born baby or adopted ones is not an arbitrary phenomenon. You must follow the procedure. Systematic name changing was also an act of assimilation policy of Ethiopia to weaken Oromumma. Those with rotten assimilationist mentality, I am sure, hate my name, Milkessa, as an “un-Ethiopian” name. Well, Gaddisa, Tolashii, Guyyo, Iftu are beautiful Ethiopian names enriched with Oromumma moggaasa maqaa (naming). Oromo arts and literary traditions characterize Oromumma. As you distance yourself from Oromo music and arts, you will be engulfed with others as globalization is dominating. All music and arts carry messages and cultural values that they want to inculcate in the minds of the listeners. So, Oromo music and arts transmits Oromumma. There many kinds of music and arts—it takes the form singing for love of couples or nation, history, resistance, ritual, mobilization and for hero/heroine [geerarsa], cultural, marriage, nature, for cattle, education, etc. Art is comprehensive. Ali Birra’s everlasting songs are themselves bearers of Oromumma. Oromumma & Afaan Oromo: Language, above all, is a carrier of all cultural stuffs. Language is not a mere means of communication. It carries cultural values of the nation and transfer them from generation to generation. A people without its own language is only half a nation, as linguists put. When they kill your language, they are killing your cultures as well. That is why language became the key target of assimilation policies of “nation-builders.” ‘Nation-building’ in this regard is ‘nation-destroying’ (see Walker Connor). Who said “kill the tribes to build a nation?” Thus, to lose one’s own language is the worst badge of conquest. When you lose your Afaan Oromo, you automatically lose aspects Oromo traditions, which harts Oromumma. Oromumma can be achieved in two ways. One is to be born Oromo. The other is ‘to become’ Oromo. Paul Baxter calls it being and becoming Oromo. In the later, non-Oromos can become Oromo once they pass through strict legal and cultural procedures called moggasaa—of adoption. You can also stop the adoption processes on the medhacha stage and retain your language and community; but this compromises your political rights in Oromo. Full adoption renders full citizenship. Moggaasaa is for group adoption (collectively) and Guddifacha is an individual approach. One must be clear that adoption in Oromo society is fully dependent upon the consent of the adoptees. There has never been forced/compulsory adoption in Gadaa system. Because the adoptees are attracted by economic benefits in the clans and democratic nature of the egalitarian system, it was a free enterprise. Once fully adopted, you can run for Abba Gadaa posts. Note that such socially integrative approach worked well during the well-functioning of the Gadaa system. Once Gadaa system started to weaken, the becoming aspect of Oromumma get corrupted and abused, especially the ‘unsuccessful integrations’ causing ‘a regaining former identity’, which in many places are causes of conflicts. Asserting one’s own Oromo identity (exercising Oromumma) and devotion to demonstrate basic features of Oromo culture is a key. You need to be proud of being or becoming Oromo. Social-anthropologists call this activity self-consciousness. Commitment at this stage helps the advancement of Oromo culture. It includes defending your Oromumma. Oromumma & Oromo philosophy: Oromumma is distinguished with “core common cultural values and modes of thought” (Baxter, 1985:1). Oromo philosophy is an African philosophy which is distinct from oriental philosophies. Oromo life is largely a collective life just as other African societies. Individualism is uncommon in Oromo philosophy. Be it good or bad, in Oromo society, you just share them in common. For example, for a crime an individual commits the clan is collectively accountable. That is why you find less crime rates in Borana than any other places. “I am because we are”, not the other way round. That is why, liberalism, founded on individualism, can rarely be implemented in Oromo society. Oromumma as a collectivism is embedded in Oromo worldviews. Political aspects of Oromumma: Oromo as society is a democratic & open society. That has roots in Gadaa system. Power is transferred from one party to the next democratically. There are five political parties (Gogeessa Gadaa) in Oromo. Each term of office is fixed, eight years. Once you finish your eight year term, you live the office to the next party. No re-election of Abba Gadaa. No deception. No power is gained through barrel of the gun. No son has ever killed his father for power. No soldier takes state power. Gadaa democracy is an amazing well founded system. Oromumma is built on top of that democratic political culture. Honest and trust is the basis of Gadaa politics. Symbolically, Odaa (scamore tree) used to function as an assembly hall (galma). It is a symbol of Oromo institution. “Teessu dhugaa baasi, dhaabattu mataa kee baasi” means “you search for truth when seating under Odaa, and you are told to defend yourself when standing in front of the ‘modern’ court” shows us how much the Oromo are honest under Odaa. Odaa is part of the identity of the Oromo. That is why all Oromo organizations (both government and opposition, political or social, almost all Oromo institutions) use Odaa in their emblems, flags, and others. Odaa and activities under it (i.e., committed to the truth) are deeply rooted in Oromumma. Oromumma is tied to Oromoland. Mountains and rivers have traditional ritual and non-ritual functions in Oromo society. “Yaa Oromoo warra uumaan buluu keenya abboonni tulluu fi malkaatti baha duruu.” Oromo’s jiruuf-jireenya (work and life) is tied to its land. Extended families inherit land from their forefathers. “Yaa Oromo qulqullu qonneet nyaanna lafan gurgurru” was a key Oromo’s song against that infamous master plan of Finfinne. Youths, if they can’t resolve the riddles, they are expected to render land. That is why land is the foundation of Oromo’s jiruuf-jireenya and cultural values. Oromummaa had also belief system dimension (now become cultural rules of the society), which means, before they convert into dominant religions of the world, Oromo had worship one Waaqaa (God) as monotheist society. Dhugaan ilma Waaqi (truth is the son of God) was one of the founding principles of Waqeffanna religion of the day. Safuu was at the core of Oromumma. You never deceive, never lie, because it is Safuu! Safuu means all wrong things that are forbidden culturally. Oromummaa as God obeying act, hence built God-fearing society of Oromo. Irreecha (thanksgiving) festival, celebrated twice a year (Irreecha Birraa and Irreecha Arfaasaa), is well known to the world. As it is being regained and getting momentum, we are only emphasizing on only Irreecha Birraa, celebrated in Fulbaana (September). I am sure, it is a matter of time that Irreecha will be recognized as one of the national holydays integrating into the national calendar of Ethiopia. Indicating Oromummaa becoming Ethiophiyumma. Oromo has its own calendar counting based on lunar system (star observation). Still this calendar is active in Borana (both Ethiopia and Kenya) (see Asmarom Legese). An Oromo calendar is part of Oromumma features. Very few old people still count the Oromo calendar as part of their Oromoness. In conclusion, Oromumma is a broader and deeper concept. It is explained in terms of history to tradition, arts to beliefs/values, symbols to democracy, identity to integration, language to philosophy, Oromoland to Oromo calendar. It begins with being and becoming. You can’t pick only one feature up to define Oromumma. There is no Oromo without Oromumma. I don’t remember the days Oromumma existed without Oromo as well. Due to external factors, you may lose some aspects of Oromumma but you can retain basics of Oromumma. Since the formation of the modern Ethiopian empire state, the Oromo ‘personal’ continued to be political to certain establishments. This is unfortunate. Oromumma must be depoliticized. I believe Oromumma can be part and parcel of Ethiophiyumma. I don’t understand the meaning of Ethiopianess that compromises Oromumma. For me, Ethiophiyumma is Somalumma, Ethiophiyumma is Tegarumma, Oromumma, Amharumma, Sidamumma, Afarumma and all that are in Ethiopia. Some dream that Oromumma can be destroyed, and boldly claim that it is withering away. That is purely a day dream. Though historically tried formally by the state through deliberate consecutive national policies of assimilation, it miserably failed. As Oromumma is attached to the lives of the Oromo people, it might look weakened but it has never been weakened as they thought even during those dark old days. It is totally wrong and outdated to think that “to become a ‘good Ethiopian’, an Oromo must denounce its Oromumma”. The answer is obvious. Gemechu Megersa once correctly said “the Oromo will never become good Ethiopians before they become good Oromo”. References: Asmarom Legese, Gadaa: Oromo Democracy Donald Levine, Greater Ethiopia Gemechu Megersa, Oromumma: Tradition, Consciousness and Identity Paul Baxter, Being and Becoming Oromo Walelign Mekonen, On the Questions of Nationality Walker Connor, Nation-building or Nation-destroying By Milkessa Midhaga (PhD) May21, 2020, Finfinne

Continue reading Oromumma: Comprehensive Understanding of Oromoness In the 1960s, it was not the concept of Oromoness (hereafter Oromumma) which was conceptually debated. It was Ethiopia and who constitutes Ethiopian which was at the center of ‘the nationalities question’ as formulated by Ethiopian Student Movement leaders such as Ibsa Gutema, Walelign Mekonen, Muhe Abdo and others. At the time, Ethiopianess, in terms of cultural stuff—language, music, way of life—, politics and religion, was equated with Amharaness (and to some extent Amhara-Tigrawayness) (see Walelign Mekonen’s six page masterpiece). Due to the whole process of state formation and the subsequent “nation-building” project of the ancien regime, and the resultant resistance it had to face from the conquered nations, Donald Levine summed it the whole process as “Amhara thesis”, “Oromo anti-thesis” and “Ethiopian synthesis”. Levine’s formulation was criticized only for narrowly defining it from two major national groups. Backed by historically failed nostalgic project of building “Amharic speaking one-nation of Ethiopia”, a section of Ethiopian elites continued to advance anti-Oromo envisaged Ethiopia. Recently, the concept of Oromumma has become, let me say, agenda of discussions and debates among many. That initiated me to refer back literature and my own experiences. Thus, it is important, at this historical juncture, that we all have full picture of what Oromummaa is and what it is not. I am not a social-anthropologist, but a student of political science just to admit my scholarly gaps. Understanding Oromumma: A holistic Approach Oromummaa is a broader concept. It is explained by the totality of Oromo culture. It is much deeper and complex than what we think. It is explained in terms of cultural stuff (norms, values, traditions), languages, belief systems, arts, history and tradition, jiruuf-jireenya (work and life), worldview/philosophy, democratic values, symbolism and identity, landed concept, and socially integrating ‘others’. “Oromumma, derived from the name Oromo, refers to all those elements that constitute the Oromo personality. […]. In short, ‘Oromoness’ is composed of the totality of the Oromo culture” (Gemechu Megersa, 1996: p.92). Oromo traditions provide the basics of Oromumma. No nation without its own history. Oromo is an ancient people in the Northeast Africa. Oromumma is built on the knowledge of the history of the Oromo. There are also traditions that nurture Oromumma from childhood. Hibbo (riddle) is played by youths in the night. It is a mental exercise; in modern terms, IQ development strategies. Knowledge of mammaaksa (Oromo proverbs) is critical. In the Oromo tradition, “mammaaksi dubbii fixuuf ykn dubbii fiduuf” (proverbs either resolve or cause a dispute), is the part of the day-to-day activity of the Oromo society. The appropriate usage of Oromo’s mammaaksa is critical element of Oromumma. Oromo elders begin discussions, and conclude them with mammaaksa. One of the targets of assimilation policy was this mammaaksa and its usage, making generations to forget their own and adopt the nationally prescribed ones. Such strategies of weakening aspect of Oromumma has always been subtle. Moggaasa maqaa: A newly born baby should get name, and it must be approved by appropriate traditional institution. Oromo naming for newly born baby or adopted ones is not an arbitrary phenomenon. You must follow the procedure. Systematic name changing was also an act of assimilation policy of Ethiopia to weaken Oromumma. Those with rotten assimilationist mentality, I am sure, hate my name, Milkessa, as an “un-Ethiopian” name. Well, Gaddisa, Tolashii, Guyyo, Iftu are beautiful Ethiopian names enriched with Oromumma moggaasa maqaa (naming). Oromo arts and literary traditions characterize Oromumma. As you distance yourself from Oromo music and arts, you will be engulfed with others as globalization is dominating. All music and arts carry messages and cultural values that they want to inculcate in the minds of the listeners. So, Oromo music and arts transmits Oromumma. There many kinds of music and arts—it takes the form singing for love of couples or nation, history, resistance, ritual, mobilization and for hero/heroine [geerarsa], cultural, marriage, nature, for cattle, education, etc. Art is comprehensive. Ali Birra’s everlasting songs are themselves bearers of Oromumma. Oromumma & Afaan Oromo: Language, above all, is a carrier of all cultural stuffs. Language is not a mere means of communication. It carries cultural values of the nation and transfer them from generation to generation. A people without its own language is only half a nation, as linguists put. When they kill your language, they are killing your cultures as well. That is why language became the key target of assimilation policies of “nation-builders.” ‘Nation-building’ in this regard is ‘nation-destroying’ (see Walker Connor). Who said “kill the tribes to build a nation?” Thus, to lose one’s own language is the worst badge of conquest. When you lose your Afaan Oromo, you automatically lose aspects Oromo traditions, which harts Oromumma. Oromumma can be achieved in two ways. One is to be born Oromo. The other is ‘to become’ Oromo. Paul Baxter calls it being and becoming Oromo. In the later, non-Oromos can become Oromo once they pass through strict legal and cultural procedures called moggasaa—of adoption. You can also stop the adoption processes on the medhacha stage and retain your language and community; but this compromises your political rights in Oromo. Full adoption renders full citizenship. Moggaasaa is for group adoption (collectively) and Guddifacha is an individual approach. One must be clear that adoption in Oromo society is fully dependent upon the consent of the adoptees. There has never been forced/compulsory adoption in Gadaa system. Because the adoptees are attracted by economic benefits in the clans and democratic nature of the egalitarian system, it was a free enterprise. Once fully adopted, you can run for Abba Gadaa posts. Note that such socially integrative approach worked well during the well-functioning of the Gadaa system. Once Gadaa system started to weaken, the becoming aspect of Oromumma get corrupted and abused, especially the ‘unsuccessful integrations’ causing ‘a regaining former identity’, which in many places are causes of conflicts. Asserting one’s own Oromo identity (exercising Oromumma) and devotion to demonstrate basic features of Oromo culture is a key. You need to be proud of being or becoming Oromo. Social-anthropologists call this activity self-consciousness. Commitment at this stage helps the advancement of Oromo culture. It includes defending your Oromumma. Oromumma & Oromo philosophy: Oromumma is distinguished with “core common cultural values and modes of thought” (Baxter, 1985:1). Oromo philosophy is an African philosophy which is distinct from oriental philosophies. Oromo life is largely a collective life just as other African societies. Individualism is uncommon in Oromo philosophy. Be it good or bad, in Oromo society, you just share them in common. For example, for a crime an individual commits the clan is collectively accountable. That is why you find less crime rates in Borana than any other places. “I am because we are”, not the other way round. That is why, liberalism, founded on individualism, can rarely be implemented in Oromo society. Oromumma as a collectivism is embedded in Oromo worldviews. Political aspects of Oromumma: Oromo as society is a democratic & open society. That has roots in Gadaa system. Power is transferred from one party to the next democratically. There are five political parties (Gogeessa Gadaa) in Oromo. Each term of office is fixed, eight years. Once you finish your eight year term, you live the office to the next party. No re-election of Abba Gadaa. No deception. No power is gained through barrel of the gun. No son has ever killed his father for power. No soldier takes state power. Gadaa democracy is an amazing well founded system. Oromumma is built on top of that democratic political culture. Honest and trust is the basis of Gadaa politics. Symbolically, Odaa (scamore tree) used to function as an assembly hall (galma). It is a symbol of Oromo institution. “Teessu dhugaa baasi, dhaabattu mataa kee baasi” means “you search for truth when seating under Odaa, and you are told to defend yourself when standing in front of the ‘modern’ court” shows us how much the Oromo are honest under Odaa. Odaa is part of the identity of the Oromo. That is why all Oromo organizations (both government and opposition, political or social, almost all Oromo institutions) use Odaa in their emblems, flags, and others. Odaa and activities under it (i.e., committed to the truth) are deeply rooted in Oromumma. Oromumma is tied to Oromoland. Mountains and rivers have traditional ritual and non-ritual functions in Oromo society. “Yaa Oromoo warra uumaan buluu keenya abboonni tulluu fi malkaatti baha duruu.” Oromo’s jiruuf-jireenya (work and life) is tied to its land. Extended families inherit land from their forefathers. “Yaa Oromo qulqullu qonneet nyaanna lafan gurgurru” was a key Oromo’s song against that infamous master plan of Finfinne. Youths, if they can’t resolve the riddles, they are expected to render land. That is why land is the foundation of Oromo’s jiruuf-jireenya and cultural values. Oromummaa had also belief system dimension (now become cultural rules of the society), which means, before they convert into dominant religions of the world, Oromo had worship one Waaqaa (God) as monotheist society. Dhugaan ilma Waaqi (truth is the son of God) was one of the founding principles of Waqeffanna religion of the day. Safuu was at the core of Oromumma. You never deceive, never lie, because it is Safuu! Safuu means all wrong things that are forbidden culturally. Oromummaa as God obeying act, hence built God-fearing society of Oromo. Irreecha (thanksgiving) festival, celebrated twice a year (Irreecha Birraa and Irreecha Arfaasaa), is well known to the world. As it is being regained and getting momentum, we are only emphasizing on only Irreecha Birraa, celebrated in Fulbaana (September). I am sure, it is a matter of time that Irreecha will be recognized as one of the national holydays integrating into the national calendar of Ethiopia. Indicating Oromummaa becoming Ethiophiyumma. Oromo has its own calendar counting based on lunar system (star observation). Still this calendar is active in Borana (both Ethiopia and Kenya) (see Asmarom Legese). An Oromo calendar is part of Oromumma features. Very few old people still count the Oromo calendar as part of their Oromoness. In conclusion, Oromumma is a broader and deeper concept. It is explained in terms of history to tradition, arts to beliefs/values, symbols to democracy, identity to integration, language to philosophy, Oromoland to Oromo calendar. It begins with being and becoming. You can’t pick only one feature up to define Oromumma. There is no Oromo without Oromumma. I don’t remember the days Oromumma existed without Oromo as well. Due to external factors, you may lose some aspects of Oromumma but you can retain basics of Oromumma. Since the formation of the modern Ethiopian empire state, the Oromo ‘personal’ continued to be political to certain establishments. This is unfortunate. Oromumma must be depoliticized. I believe Oromumma can be part and parcel of Ethiophiyumma. I don’t understand the meaning of Ethiopianess that compromises Oromumma. For me, Ethiophiyumma is Somalumma, Ethiophiyumma is Tegarumma, Oromumma, Amharumma, Sidamumma, Afarumma and all that are in Ethiopia. Some dream that Oromumma can be destroyed, and boldly claim that it is withering away. That is purely a day dream. Though historically tried formally by the state through deliberate consecutive national policies of assimilation, it miserably failed. As Oromumma is attached to the lives of the Oromo people, it might look weakened but it has never been weakened as they thought even during those dark old days. It is totally wrong and outdated to think that “to become a ‘good Ethiopian’, an Oromo must denounce its Oromumma”. The answer is obvious. Gemechu Megersa once correctly said “the Oromo will never become good Ethiopians before they become good Oromo”. References: Asmarom Legese, Gadaa: Oromo Democracy Donald Levine, Greater Ethiopia Gemechu Megersa, Oromumma: Tradition, Consciousness and Identity Paul Baxter, Being and Becoming Oromo Walelign Mekonen, On the Questions of Nationality Walker Connor, Nation-building or Nation-destroying By Milkessa Midhaga (PhD) May21, 2020, Finfinne